Saopštenja i najave

Berlin, Germany, 04 July 2007 – Potential conflicts of interests of German parliamentarians become more transparent

Izvještaji za Medije ● 04 Jula 2007

Seven German non-governmental organisations welcome the decision of the German Constitutional Court to dismiss the case against theParliamentarians’ Law" and the respective code of conduct, requiring parliamentarians to report on additional sources of income. BUND, Campact, foodwatch, Germanwatch, LobbyControl, Mehr Demokratie and Transparency Deutschland see barriers abolished concerning the advancement of the German "Parliamentarians’ Law". The Constitutional Court has confirmed that this law does not violate the German constitution.

In 2005, nine members of the German parliament went to the German constitutional court claiming that the then-new "Parliamentarians’ Law" would violate the German constitution. The German Constitutional Court ruled today with a vote of 4 to 4 that this is not the case. According to German law, in case of an equality of votes by the Constitutional Court, a claim is dismissed.

"Potential conflicts of interests of members of parliament should be made transparent. The decision of the court has strengthened democratic citizens’ rights. The constitutional role of parliament has priority over the individual rights of parliamentarians,” said Jochen Bäumel, board member of the anti-corruption organisation Transparency Deutschland.
According to the "Parliamentarians’ Law" the activities of a parliamentarian in relationship with the mandate for which he was elected should be the focus of his activity. Additional professional activities are considered to be secondary employment, which must be disclosed to the President of the German parliament and made public. This income is not published in exact numbers but presented in three monthly ranges: 1.000 – 3.500 Euro, 3.500 – 7.000 Euro or 7.000 Euro and more.

Despite the close decision of the German Constitutional Court, the NGOs’ demands for further detailed information on the parliamentarians’ income has not been dropped. The organisations demand the publication of the exact figures for all incomes and not only the publication in form of three ranges. “The Court has approved the law. Now the advancement of the code of conduct is the central challenge, so that not only intervals but precise numbers are published,” said Christian Humborg, Managing Director of Transparency Deutschland.

Berlin, Njemačka, 04. juli 2007. – Potencijalni sukobi interesa Njemačkih parlamentaraca postali transparentniji

Izvještaji za Medije ● 04 Jula 2007

Sedam Njemačkih nevladinih organizacija je pozdravilo odluku Njemačkog Ustavnog suda da odbaci slučaj protiv zakona i respektivnog kodeksa koji se odnosi na parlamentarce a koji zahtijeva da članovi parlamenta moraju izvještavati o dodatnim prihodima. BUND, Campact, Germanwatch, LobbyControl, Mehr Demokratie i Transparency Njemačke vide određene barijere u pogledu napretka zakona. Ustavni sud je potvrdio da taj zakon ne krši Njemački ustav.

U 2005. godini, devet članova Njemačkog parlamenta se organizovalo i otišlo u posjetu Ustavnom sudu i zahtjevalo da deset novih zakona koji se odnose na parlamentarce krše ustav. Njemački Ustavni sud se danas očitovao povodom ovog slučaja i sva četiri glasa su potvrdila da to ne predstavlja kršenje zakona. Prema njemačkom zakonu, u slučajevima kada je i jedan glas protiv Ustavni sud odbacuje zahtjev.

“Potencijalni sukobi interesa članova parlamenta treba da budu transparentni. Odluke suda imaju ulogu jačanja demokratije i prava građana. Konstitutivna uloga parlamenta ima prioritet nad individualnim pravima parlamentaraca”, izjavio je Jochen Bäumel, član Odbora TI Njemačke.

Prema zakonu o zastupnicima sve aktivnosti parlamentaraca moraju biti u vezi sa mandatom na koji su izabrani i treba da se fokusiraju na te aktivnosti. Dopunske profesionalne aktivnosti trebaju biti u drugom planu, i moraju biti poznate Predsjedniku parlamenta i javnosti. Svi prihodi nisu objavljeni u tačnim i preciznim ciframa, već prezentuju prihode u rasponu od: 1.000-3.500 eura, 3.500-7.000 ili 7.000 i više eura.

Uprkos konačnoj odluci Ustavnog suda nevladine organizacije zahtjevaju da se u buduće sve detaljne informacije o dodatnim prihodima članova parlamenta objave i da ne bude propusta. Organizacije zahtjevaju preciznu objavu podataka za sve dodatne prihode a ne samo u formi raspona. “Sud je odobrio zakon. Sada je napredak Zakona o sukobu interesa vodeći izazov, tako da prikazivanje prihod mora biti precizno i javno objavljeno”, rekao je Christian Humborg, Generalni direktor Transparency Njemačke.

Potezom Vlade RS u Gacku „otišlo“ 2,5 milijardi KM

Izvještaji za Medije ● 04 Jula 2007

To je bilo gotovo jednoglasno mišljenje svih učesnika konferencije o značaju korporativnog upravljanja koja je održana u Banjaluci u organizaciji „Transparency Internationala BiH“ i podršku Banjalučke berze i Međunarodne finansijske korporacije (IFC).

Milan Božić, direktor Banjalučke berze, izjavio je da ukupna vrijednost svih akcija na Banjalučkoj berzi od sredine aprila pala sa 12,5 na oko 10 milijardi KM, što je posebno izražajno u elektroenergetskom sektoru gdje se bilježi pad kapitalizacije sa 5,7 na 3,6 milijardi KM.

„Sudeći po stavovima investitora na taj pad je u najvećoj mjeri uticao projekat oko RiTE Gacko koji predviđa osnivanje zajedničkog preduzeća sa strateškim partnerom u formi društva sa ograničenom odgovornošću“, kazao je on.

Božić je kazao da je tržište kapitala RS nakon intenzivnog razvoja u protekle dvije godine, kada je bilo korak ispred drugih u regionu, došlo u situaciju da mora odgovoriti na koji način se mogu ispraviti greške koje su napravili nosioci državnog kapitala.

Damir Miljević, ekonomski analitičar, tvrdi da Vlada RS načinom na koji sprovodi projekat u Gackom krši Ustav RS.

„U Ustavu se navodi da Vlada upravlja državnom imovinom, a ona se u ovom slučaju očito ponaša kao da tom imovinom raspolaže, odnosno kad da je to njeno vlasništvo, a ne svih građana RS. Vlada ne poštuje ni privatnu imovina, jer ostale akcionari uopšte nije pitala da li se oni sa tim slaču“, kaže Miljević.

Boris Divjak, predsjednik Odbora direktora „Transparency Internationala“ za BiH, ukazao je na netransparentnost procesa ugovaranja izgradnje TE Gacko 2, zbog skrivanja ugovora između Vlade RS i ČEZ-a. „Konsekvencije toga su već vidljive. RS je na berzi izgubila kapital koji se mjeri milijardama KM, dok su investitori otvoreno poružili da su zbog ovakvog dešavanja prinuđeni otiši sa tržišta kapitala RS“, kaže Divjak.

Milorad Živković, savjetnik ministra privrede, energetike i razvoja RS, s druge strane, smatra da projekat u RiTE Gacko nije doveo do pada akcija na Banjalučkoj berzi, već da je, naprotiv, od toga u budućnosti koristi imati i mali akcionari.

On je kazao da je preostali vijek trajanja RiTE Gacko 15 godina, te da bi bez ulaska strateškog partnera svi bili na gubitku. Komentarišući model osnivanja d.o.o., koji je pretrpio najviše kritika, Živković je kazao da se samo na taj način proces mogao brzo sprovesti.

„Brzina je bila važna kako bi RS zauzela bolju startnu poziciju u odnosu na druge zemlje regiona koje pripremaju projekte u elektroenergetsklom sektoru, odnosno kako bi prije njih imala pristup ograničenim kreditnim sredstvima međunarodnih finansijskih institucija i banaka“, tvrdi Živković.

Izvor: http://intermezzo.rs.ba/

Dokumenti

Zakljucci okruglog stola
Prezentacija 3
Prezentacija 2
Prezentacija 1

Okrugli sto: KORPORATIVNO UPRAVLJANJE

Izvještaji za Medije ● 25 Juna 2007

Razvoj korporativnog upravljanja i potpuna transparentnost u smislu dostupnosti svih relevantnih informacija o radu preduzeća ključni su preduslovi za privlačenje većeg broja domaćih i stranih investitora, poboljšanje korporativne i šire društvene odgovornosti i cjelokupne investiciono-razvojne klime u Republici Srpskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini.

Osnovne teme okruglog stola

• aktuelno stanje korporativnog upravljanja u javnim preduzećima Republike Srpske i Bosne i Hercegovine;
• upoznavanje nosilaca funkcija izvršne vlasti, članova uprave akcionarskih društava, predstavnika ostalih institucija vezanih za tržište kapitala i predstavnika medija sa značajem poštovanja standarda upravljanja akcionarskim društvima;
• predstavljanje iskustava sa tržišta kapitala iz zemalja u okruženju vezanih za korporativno upravljanje;
• modaliteti finansiranja razvoja javnih preduzeća u cilju razvoja tržišta kapitala.

Učesnici
Konferencija je namjenjena menadžerima i članovima nadzornih odbora javnih preduzeća, u Republici Srpskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini, predstavnicima institucija tržišta kapitala, Vlade Republike Srpske (ministrima, pomoćnicima ministara i drugim predstavnicima), direktorima i članovima uprave akcionarskih društava čije su akcije uvrštene na berzu, predstavnicima međunarodnih organizacija, predstavnicima medijskih kuća, itd.

Prijava
Učešće na okruglom stolu je besplatno i molimo Vas da svoje učešće prijavite najkasnije do utorka 03. jula kontakt osobama u TI BiH ili Banjalučkoj berzi.

Kontakt

Program okruglog stola:

*12:00 – 12:20 – kafe pauza

Obavještenje – okrugli sto: Društveni prioriteti, javnost i mediji

Izvještaji za Medije ● 12 Juna 2007

Jedna od komponenti projekta je i uvid u regionalnu perspektivu, odnosno prezentovanje iskustava iz zemalja regiona. Ovaj projekat ima za cilj unapređenje rada medija, kreiranje atmosfere dijaloga u društvu, povećanje otvorenosti institucija. Okrugli sto koji će se održati u petak 15. juna 2007. sa početkom u 12:00 časova u Međunarodnom centru u Banja Luci ima za temu, odnos društvenih prioriteta, javnosti i medija.

Javna sfera je prostor između civilnog društva i države, u kojem je kritička javna diskusija o pitanjima od opšteg interesa institucionalno garantovana (Habermas). Za postojanje javne sfere neophodno je postojanje pluralističkih izvora informacija, te nepostojanje dominacije od strane institucija, grupa ili pojedinaca koje bi kontrolisale informacije. U takvom prostoru javnost nije isključivo primalac informacija, već i aktivni učesnik u kreiranju javnih politika. Koliki prostor javna sfera zauzima u situaciji predominantne države i slabog civilnog društva? Da li takvo stanje pogoduje promovisanju partikularnih interesa kao opštih? Šta su danas društveni prioriteti BiH i regiona? Kakav uticaj mediji imaju na kreiranje i ostvarivanje društvenih prioriteta? Na koji način mediji promovišu društvene prioritete i koliko im pažnje posvećuju? Da li su mediji aktivni učesnici u kreiranju društvenih prioriteta kroz otvaranje dijaloga i kakav imaju odnos prema njima? Tokom debate pokušaće se ponuditi odgovori na pomenuta pitanja, ali i druga koja mogu proisteći iz diskusije.

Uvodničari:

Dragoljub Žarković, glavni urednik nedeljnika "Vreme", Beograd;
Sandi Blagonić, Hrvatska akedemija znanosti i umjetnosti, Zagreb;
Bakir Haždiomerović, urednik informativnog programa FTV;
Boris Divjak, predsjedavajući Odbora direktora TI BiH i član međunarodnog Odbora direktora TI

Zadovoljstvo nam je pozvati Vas da uzmete učešće na okruglom stolu.

Anti-korupciona inicijativa TI bez političkih odjeka

Izvještaji za Medije ● 25 Maja 2007

Tokom protekle sedmice Transparency International BiH zajedno sa Fondom otvoreno društvo BiH održao je sastanak sa predsjedavajućim Parlamentarne skupštine Berizom Belkićem. Predsjedavajući Belkić je istakao svoju podršku preporukama TI-a koje obavezuju zakonodavnu i izvršnu vlast na aktivniji pristup, konkretnije rezultate, a uvažavajući najbolje međunarodne prakse u borbi protiv korupcije, kao i konvencije čiji je BiH potpisnik.

Oko TI BiH je već počelo izvjesno grupisanje organizacija zainteresovanih za ovaj i slične ciljeve, pa je podršku inicijativi pružio veći broj drugih domaćih nevladinih organizacija, stručnih institucija, medija itd. “Obzirom da su preporuke TI BiH u skladu sa međunarodnim obavezama, kao i sa strategijom Savjeta Ministara za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala i korupcije, očekujemo da i predsjedavajući Nikola Špirić podrži ovu inicijativu, te da joj se priključe sve parlamentarne stranke na nivou BiH”, istakao je Boris Divjak, član međunarodnog odbora TI i predsjedavajući odbora direktora za BiH. Preporuke za unapređenje zakonskog okvira i funkcionisonisanje institucija, ne pretenduju da budu konačna rješenja, ali predstavljaju dobru polaznu osnovu za dalji rad. Ovakvo građansko zagovaranje redovna je pojava u situacijama i zemljama gdje je primjetno odsustvo inicijative domaćih vlasti i obaveza je nevladinog sektora, istaknuto je na konferenciji.

Predstavnici TI BiH su takođe naglasili da će krajem juna g. Boris Divjak po četvrti put nezavisno svjedočiti pred Evropskom Komisijom u Briselu o napretku reformi sa naglaskom na borbu protiv korupcije, čime će se upotpuniti godišnji izvještaj EU o napretku pregovora o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju. Evropska Unija praktikuje ovakve konsultacije sa TI svake godine, obzirom da time dolazi do jasnog i nezavisnog stručnog stava, kao i mišljenja javnosti BiH o napretku u ovim ključnim razvojnim pitanjima.

Na pitanje novinara o tome šta će sadržati izvještaj, Divjak je istakao da je “priprema izvještaja za BiH u završnoj fazi, međutim već je sada jasno da su u BiH ključni reformski procesi blokirani i da domaće vlasti nisu ostvarile napredak na polju sistemskog suzbijanja korupcije”. Strateški pristup borbi protiv korupcije i odlučna implementacija više antikorupcionih mjera bili bi međutim snažna poruka međunarodnoj zajednici i Evropskoj Uniji, da su političke snage u BiH spremne da preuzmu vodstvo i u najtežim reformskim izazovima, istaknuto je danas u Banoj Luci.

Dokumenti

Preporuke za unapredenje zakonskog okvira i funkcionisanja institucija

Judicial corruption fuels impunity, corrodes rule of law, says new Transparency International report

Izvještaji za Medije ● 24 Maja 2007

“Equal treatment before the law is a pillar of democratic societies. When courts are corrupted by greed or political expediency, the scales of justice are tipped, and ordinary people suffer,” said Huguette Labelle, Chair of Transparency International. “Judicial corruption means the voice of the innocent goes unheard, while the guilty act with impunity.”

The new Global Corruption Report concludes that a corrupt judiciary erodes the international community’s ability to prosecute transnational crime and inhibits access to justice and redress for human rights violations. It undermines economic growth by damaging the trust of the investment community, and impedes efforts to reduce poverty.

When courts are corrupt, ordinary people suffer

Judicial corruption usually falls into two categories: political interference in the judicial process by the legislative or executive branch, and bribery. The importance of an independent judiciary cannot be overemphasised. Everyone loses when justice is corrupted, in particular the poor, who are forced to pay bribes they cannot afford. TI’s latest global survey of attitudes towards corruptionreveals that in more than twenty-five countries, at least one in ten households had to pay a bribe to get access to justice. In a further twenty countries, more than three in ten households reported that bribery was involved in securing access to justice or a “fair” outcome in court. In Albania, Greece, Indonesia, Mexico, Moldova, Morocco, Peru, Taiwan and Venezuela, the figure was even higher.

Petty bribery and political influence in the judiciary erode social cohesion: one system for the rich and another for the poor fractures communities. “If money and influence are the basis of justice, the poor cannot compete,” saidAkere Muna, TI’s Vice Chair and president of the Pan African Lawyers’ Union. “Bribery not only makes justice unaffordable; it ruins the capacity of the justice system to fight against corruption and to serve as a beacon of independence and accountability.”

According to a 2002 survey, 96 percent of respondents in Pakistan who had contact with the lower courts had encountered corrupt practices, while in Russia, an estimated US $210 million in bribes is thought to be spent on law courts annually.

Tipping the scales of justice

Corruption in the judiciary includes any inappropriate influence on the impartiality of judicial proceedings and judgements and can extend to the bribing of judges for favourable decisions, or no decision at all. Judicial corruption includes the misuse of judicial funds and power, such as when a judge hires family members to staff the court or manipulates contracts for court construction and equipment. It can also play out in biased case allocation and in other pre-trial procedures, such as when bribed court clerks “lose” files and evidence. It can influence any trial or court settlement, and the enforcement – or not – of court decisions and sentences.

The Global Corruption Report 2007 finds that despite decades of reforms to protect judicial independence, the pressure to rule in favour of political interests remains intense. Though many judges around the world are indeed acting with integrity, problems remain. Erosion of international standards is evident in countries such as Argentina and Russia, where political powers have increased their influence over the judicial process in recent years.

And for judges who refuse to be compromised, political retaliation can be swift and harsh. Unfair or ineffective procedures to discipline and remove corrupt judges can end up being used instead for the removal of independent judges. In Algeria, judges considered too independent are transferred to remote locations. In Kenya, as part of an anti-corruption campaign that was widely perceived as politically expedient, judges were pressured to step down without being told of the allegations against them.

Failure to appoint judicial officials on merit can lead to the selection of a pliant, corruptible judiciary. “Problematic” judges can be reassigned or have sensitive cases transferred to more pliable judges, a tactic used by former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori.

Interference from politicians or civil servants can also buy “legal” cover for embezzlement, nepotism, cronyism and illegal political decisions. Such interference can be as blatant as physical threats and intimidation, and as subtle as the manipulation of judicial appointments, salaries and conditions of service.

Bribery, the other dark thread of judicial corruption, can occur throughout the fabric of the judicial process. As 32 country reports in the Global Corruption Report demonstrate, judges may accept bribes to delay or accelerate cases, accept or deny appeals, influence other judges or simply to decide a case in a certain way. Court officials may seek bribes for services that should be free; lawyers may charge additional “fees” to expedite or delay cases, or to direct clients to judges known to take bribes. Factors affecting a judge’s susceptibility include but are not limited to poor salaries. Insecure working conditions, including unfair promotion and transfer processes and a lack of continuous training, make judges and other court personnel vulnerable to bribery.

Opaque court processes that foster bribery can also prevent the media and civil society from monitoring court activity and exposing judicial corruption.

Solutions: independence, openness, adequate resources, accountability

No single solution will effectively tackle these problems. But a menu of solutions offers a holistic approach.

The Global Corruption Report 2007 offers detailed recommendations to promote judicial independence and accountability, encourage individual integrity, more effective enforcement of the law and to safeguard the judiciary against political influence. Judicial and prosecutorial appointments and removals must be transparent, independent of the executive and legislative branches, and based on experience and performance. Journalists must be free to monitor and comment on legal proceedings, reporting reliable information on laws, proposed changes in legislation, court procedures and judgements to the public.

Civil society’s oversight role is imperative. By monitoring and commenting on the selection of judges, judicial codes of conduct and the discipline of judges, how courts handle cases and how judges make decisions, civil society can call attention to systemic weaknesses that facilitate corruption, and put governments on notice that they will be called to account for making good on their anti-corruption commitments.

Transparency International offers detailed recommendations to strengthen judicial independence and fight judicial corruption, including:

Additional recommendations can be found in the Global Corruption Report 2007.

TI’s work in fighting judicial corruption

The Global Corruption Report 2007 also highlights the national level efforts of Transparency International’s chapters to curb judicial corruption.

“Corruption in the judiciary is a central focus of the global anti-corruption effort because of the powerful and corrosive influence a corrupt judiciary can exert on the rule of law and on society as a whole. Success in attacking judicial corruption will boost citizens’ trust and national efforts to achieve transparency and accountability,” said Cobus de Swardt, TI’s Acting Managing Director.

Transparency International’s work in combating corruption in judicial systems is diverse:

• monitoring judges’ court attendance and the quality of their judgements
• helping to screen candidates for judgeships, making appointments transparent and merit-based
• offering free legal advice to corruption’s victims through 16 Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres in 12 countries.

In its work against political interference and bribery in the judiciary, TI draws on many allies within judicial systems who are committed to the common goals of transparency and equal justice under law.

For more information click here.

Korupcija u pravosuđu podriva vladavinu prava i onemogućava sankcije

Izvještaji za Medije ● 24 Maja 2007

“Jednak tretman pred zakonom je temelj demokratskih društava. Kada su sudovi korumpirani ili pod političkim uticajem, pravda ostaje nezadovoljena, a građani trpe posljedice” izjavila je Huguette Labelle, predsjedavajuća Transparency International na konferenciji za novinare u Londonu. ”Korupcija u pravosuđu znači da se glas nevinih ne čuje, dok zločinci ostaju nekažnjeni”, istakla je Labelle.

Novi Globalni izvještaj o korupciji kao zaključak navodi da korumpirano pravosuđe onemogućava procesuiranje transnacionalnog kriminala i sprječava pristup pravdi, te onemogućava zaštitu ljudskih prava. Podriva takođe ekonomski rast onemogućujući stvaranje klime za priliv investicija i na taj način opstruišući borbu protiv siromaštva.

Korupcija u pravosudnom sistemu javlja se u dva pojavna oblika: političko uplitanje u rad pravosuđa od strane zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti i primanje odnosno davanje mita.

Nalazi Globalnog izvještaja o korupciji 2007. ukazuju na činjenenicu da uprkos decenijama reformi usmjerenih na osnaživanje nezvisnosti pravosuđa, pritisak uslovljen političkim interesima ostaje i dalje snažan.

Izvještaj takođe nudi detaljne preporuke usmjerene na promovisanje nezavisnosti pravosuđa i odgovornosti, veće efikasnosti u primjeni zakona I zaštiti pravosuđa od neprimjerenog uticaja.

“Reforma pravosuđa u BiH s ciljem osiguravanja nezavisnosti je u velikoj mjeri bila uslovljena angažmanom međunarodne zajednice. Na bh. pravosuđu je velika odgovornost da stekne povjerenje javnosti, a upravo je procesuiranje korupcije ključni test njegove nezavisnosti obzirom da su u takve kriminalne radnje umiješani političari i visokopozicionirani državni funkcioneri koji posjeduju moć, uticaj i novac” istakao je član međunarodnog Odbora direktora TI Boris Divjak, u povodu objavljivanja izvještaja. Iako sam globalni izvještaj ne apostrofira Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Studija sistema nacionalnog integriteta BiH objavljena početkom 2007.g. sačinila je temeljitu analizu i dala precizne preporuke za dalju reformu pravosuđa u zemlji.

Za više informacija kliknite ovdje.

Singapur, 11. maj 2007. – Singapurski paradoks o transparentnosti -Više ekonomske transparentnosti, mnogo manje političke transparentnosti

Izvještaji za Medije ● 15 Maja 2007

Singapur je veoma otvorena a u isto vrijeme i zatvorena zemlja kada se govori o transparentnosti i problemima koji su vezani za političke probleme, zaključeno je na Lee Kuan Yew (LKY) školi javne politike. Kishore Mahbubani, dekan LKY škole, izjavio je juče na otvaranju dvodnevne konferencije da je geografska pozicija i geopolotička istorija Singapura stvorila razvoj jedinstvenog položaja za napredak u transparentnosti.

Skorašnja debata koja se odnosi na rast plata pokazuje da, zemlja ima visok stepen transparentnosti u pojedinim segmentima, ali ne postoji „zajednički skok“ ka globalnim trendovima veće slobode informacija. „Ja mislim da Singapur nastoji da to i uradi, naročito zbog svoje geopolitičke situacije i naročiti zbog socijalnih ugovora koje Vlada ima sa svojim ljudima“.

Daniel Kaufmann, direktor globalnog programa na Institutu Svjetske Banke, rekao u prenosu video linkom iz Washingtona, da indeks transparentnosti koje je on načinio, nagovještava da Singapur ima u velikoj mjeri ekonomsku transparentnost ali u manjoj mjeri političku. „Singapur je jedan od najuspješniji na svijetu u smislu borbe protiv korupcije, ali ne i u uslovim političke transparentnosti“, izjavio je Daniel Kaufmann.

Garry Rodan, direktor azijskog istraživačkog centra na Murdoch Univerzitetu u Zapadnoj Australiji, je rekao da su Singapore i Malaysia poslednjih godina napravili reforme u područjima koje su zasnovane na ekonomskom obrazloženju, „a ne na političkim ili građanskim pravima“. U Sinagapuru, Temasek Holdings i Vladina Singapurska investiciona korporacija (GIC) prema zakonu ne treba javno objavljivati svoje finansijsko poslovanje, izjavio je Garry Rodan. „Sa stajališta singapurske Vlade, oni imaju svoje razloge zašto nisu spremni da postanu predvodnici u prikazivanje detalja vezanih za trošenje njihovog novca“.

Prema njemu, to postaje „veliki dokaz“ za Temasek Holding kako bi dobrovoljno objavio svoje godišnje izvještaje od 2004.-te godine, iako su oni bili ograničeni za konsolidovani bilans računa i zanemarili su tok između investicionih ulaganja i finasijskih podataka prije 2001. godine.

Postojali su prigovori od ljudi iz finansijskog sektora da… se stvara teška situacija za nezavisnu provjeru prava u pogledu investicijskih dobitaka koje Temaseku omogućava povrat za te investicije“. Profesor Mahbubani je skrenuo pažnju na one koji umanjuju integritet i snagu Vlade Singapura. „U Singapuru nemate apsolutno nikakvih sumnji da je svaki dolar proračunat, ako je jedan dolar izgubljen, osoba će sigurno odgovarati za pronevjeru. To je u stvari Singapurski paradoks. U ekonomskoj dimenziji, mi smo izrazito otvoreni. Ali još nemamo pristup koji Vlada želi u smislu kontrole tekućih informacija. U tom smislu, mi smo veoma različiti od drugih zemalja“.

Pitajući se, da li Singapur treba da razmotri i omogući veći pristup i slobodu informacijama sa strane ekonomske dimenzije, profesor Mahbubani je rekao da nema jasan odgovor. „Ustvari, nisam siguran, zato što zavisi od sveobuhvatne ocjene u kojoj se nalazi Sinagapur. Na ovaj način stvaram sigurnosnu situaciju u Singapuru. Mi smo jedinstveno osjetljiva zemlja. Singapur ustvari ima stvarne tajne o kojima treba da brine“.

Improvement of the National Integrity System

Izvještaji za Medije ● 08 Maja 2007

The project entitled “Improvement of the National Integrity System”, which has been implemented by TI BiH during 2007 with the support of the Open Society Fund BiH, represents a continuation of work that started with the NIS Study project. The project is aimed at identifying, on the basis of surveys and studies as well as best practices from the developed countries, necessary corrections to the existing legal framework and improvements in the organisation, functioning and mutual cooperation of institutions in anticorruption combat, through a social integrity workshop programme. Reaching the widest possible consensus between the representatives of governmental institutions, civil society and expert public through joint work in social integrity workshops should enable the quality of the proposed solutions to contribute to the real progress in curbing corruption, and on the other hand, the involvement of a wider range of actors in the process should create broader support to and simpler implementation of anticorruption measures.

The workshop was aimed at identifying gaps in the current legislation and needs for corrections to the legislative framework and at possible adoption of new laws in accordance with the ratified international documents that are directly or indirectly related to corruption, such as criminal and criminal procedure codes, the Law on Conflict of Interest, Election Law, Law on Political Party Financing, Laws on Freedom of Access to Information, Law on Confiscation of Assets Acquired through Illegal Means, etc.

Based on the prepared analyses, recommendations for the improvement of the legislative framework and the functioning of the institutions were adopted at the workshop. The recommendations include the strengthening of corruption prevention, formation of an anticorruption agency, and changes to the Law on Conflict of Interest of BiH, of the Law on Political Party Financing, and of the Election Law of BiH. The recommendations also emphasise the need for adoption of a special law that would define the confiscation of gain acquired by illegal means in accordance with the best practices in developed countries.

In addition to specific recommendations, the workshop participants also came up with a conclusion that the Council of Ministers of BiH should make concrete steps towards speeding up and/or initiating key reforms that play a vital role in establishment of the rule of law and anticorruption combat such as public administration reform, police reform, continuation of the judicial reform, and development of the national strategy for promotion of foreign investment. These reforms may be carried out within the institutions as well as through an external systematic approach.

The recommendations were sent to all Members of the Parliamentary Assembly of BiH and were specially presented to the Speaker of the Parliamentary Assembly of BiH, on which occasion he expressed his support to the implementation of these recommendations, which are in line with the international obligations of BiH stemming from the ratified international conventions and other documents and also in line with the strategic commitment of the authorities to combating organised crime and corruption.

The plan is to hold meetings and consultations with the representatives of the Council of Ministers following the first round of consultations with the management of the Parliamentary Assembly, since the Council of Ministers adopted the strategic framework for combating organised crime and corruption in 2006. So far, no concrete measures or activities provided for in the said framework have been taken, it remains unclear what institution should be responsible for coordination of the implementation, nor has an independent mechanism for monitoring the implementation been put in place.

Given that this has been the third attempt to establish such a strategy in BiH in the post-war period and that the two previous strategies ended in failure for lack of institutional accountability, quality cooperation as well as genuine political will, an irreversible loss of public trust in the leadership and their anticorruption vision seems to be an imminent danger. At the same time, prompt adoption, implementation and monitoring of the adequate strategic document would make it more difficult for politicians to engage in “shady dealings” through which the ruling elites continue to make illegal gains to the detriment of the public.

Documents

Recommendations for improving the legal framework and functioning of institutions

Borba protiv korupcije – međunarodna obaveza BiH

Izvještaji za Medije ● 08 Maja 2007

Projekat „Unapređenja društvenog integriteta” koji TI BiH implementira ima za cilj da na osnovu istraživanja i analitičkih studija, kao i najboljih praksi razvijenih zemalja, identifikuje potrebne korekcije zakonskog okvira, poboljšanja u organizaciji, funkcionisanju i međusobnoj saradnji institucija na planu borbe protiv korupcije, kroz program radionica društvenog integriteta. Radionica je prvo okupljanje predstavnika svih institucija koje bi trebalo da predvode borbu protiv korupcije, na analizi postojećih zakonskih i intelektualnih rješenja. BiH zakonski okvir je detaljno analiziran i upoređen sa Konvencijom za borbu protiv korupcije UN i drugim relevantnim međunarodnim standardima, te je utvrđeno da iako su neki segmenti kvalitetno riješeni zakonskim prijedlozima, institucije ih još uvijek nedovoljno stručno provode, a mehanizmi nezavisnog nadzora su nedovoljni. Samim tim, BiH nije u stanju da kvalitetno provodi obaveze koje je preuzela ratifikacijom Konvencije UN.

U ime FOD BiH, Mervan Miraščija je izrazio “spremnost Fonda da pomogne sve aktivnosti državnih organa na izradi sveobuhvatnih, sistemskih i efikasnih planova sa konkretnim mjerama i aktivnostima za smanjivanje korupcije u BiH” i naglasio činjenicu “da su do sada donesene 3 strategije o borbi protiv korupcije u BiH, koje nisu sadržavale konkretne planove akcije primjenjive u cijeloj BiH, koje nisu koordinirane od strane odgovornog javnog tijela, i bez jasno definisanih linija odgovornosti, realistično postavljenih rokova implementacije i mehanizama za monitoring potpuno odvojenih od mehanizama za implementaciju”.

U svom izlaganju, portparol TI BiH Srđan Blagovčanin je naglasio da “nakon ohrabrujuće najave odlučne borbe protiv korupcije novoizabranih vlasti, jasno istaknute i u ekspozeu prilikom preuzimanja dužnosti predsjedavajućeg Vijeća ministara prihvaćenom u Parlamentarnoj skupštini BiH, vlasti u BiH još uvijek nisu preduzele konkretne korake u cilju ispunjenja međunarodnih obaveza preuzetih ratifikacijom značajnih međunarodnih dokumenata i predviđenih strategijom za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala i korupcije. Neophodno je hitno intenziviranje sistemskih anti-korupcionih aktivnosti u BiH”.

S tim ciljem, TI BiH je pozivao Nikolu Špirića, predsjedavajućeg Savjeta ministara i Beriza Belkića, predsjedavajućeg Parlamentarne skupštine da zajednički iniciraju održavanje sastanka predstavnika svih parlamentarnih partija o problemu korupcije u zemlji i prioritetnim aktivnostima na njenom sprečavanju. Ovakav sastanak bi pokazao u kojoj su mjeri političke partije svjesne problema i da li su spremne odlučno raditi na njegovom što hitnijem rješavanju kroz parnerski odnos sa građanima i civilnim društvom. Inicijalno okupljanje predstavnika parlamentarnih partija značilo bi najavu snažne anti-korupcione kampanje koja bi trebala da se odvija kontinuirano i u koju bi bile uključene sve državne institucije i civilno društvo, a koja bi bila komplementarna sa drugim reformskim procesima u zemlji. Sastanak bi trebao rezultirati zajedničkom izjavom političkih partija o njihovoj spremnosti da na svim nivoima vlasti preduzmu i podrže konkretne mjere. Prijedlog nacrta takve deklaracije izradio je TI BiH i predočio Špiriću i Belkiću.

Odlučna implementacija seta anti-korupcionih mjera bila bi snažna poruka međunarodnoj zajednici i Evropskoj Uniji, da su političke snage u BiH spremne da preuzmu vodstvo i u najtežim reformskim izazovima, stavovi su većine učesnicika rasprave u Sarajevu.

Na radionici su predstavljeni sledeći radovi:

Dokumenti

Znacaj prevencije korupcije i potrebe za unapredenje zakonskog okvira
Zakon o sukobu interesa
Oduzimanje imovine kao temelj borbe protiv organizovanog kriminala
Preporuke za unapredenje zakonskog okvira i funkcionisanja institucija
Uporedna analiza BiH zakonskog okvira sa UNCAC
Unapredenje zakonskog okvira za slobodan pristup infomacijama
Oduzimanje ilegalno stecene imovine
NIS Advanced Conept
Finansiranje politickih partija i izbornih kampanja
Analiza potreba i neophodnih uvjeta za uspostavom posebnog tijela posvecenog borbi protiv korupcije u BiH

Nevladina organizacija za promociju građanskih sloboda Freedom House, sa sjedištem u Sjedinjenim Državama, objavila je godišnji izvještaj o stanju slobode medija u svijetu.

Izvještaji za Medije ● 03 Maja 2007

Nevladina organizacija za promociju građanskih sloboda Freedom House, sa sjedištem u Sjedinjenim Državama, objavila je godišnji izvještaj o stanju slobode medija u svijetu.

U godišnjem izvještaju Freedom Housea zaključuje se da je tokom 2006. godine zabilježeno opadanje medijskih sloboda u svijetu, sa posebno zabrinjavajućim trendovima u Aziji, bivšem Sovjetskom Savezu i u Latinskoj Americi. Među prvih deset zemalja na listi Freedom Housea su evropske zemlje, prvo i drugo mjesto dijele Finska i Island. U novom izvještaju Italija je promovisana u zemlju sa slobodnim medijima. Prošle godine bila je jedina zemlja članica Evropske Unije koja je bila rangirana kao djelomično slobodna. Rusija je se kao neslobodna medijska zemlja nalazi na 164. mjestu koje dijeli sa susjednim Azerbejdžanom, a Sjedinjene Države, kao zemlja sa slobodnim medijima, nalaze se na 16. mjestu koje dijele s Njemačkom, Estonijom i Republikom Irskom. Ističe se da je najkritičnija situacija u Aziji, dok su Argentina, Venecuela i Brazil označene kao zemlje gdje je došlo do smanjivanja slobode medija zbog postupaka države i sve lošijih bezbjedonosnih usloa. Na dnu liste po slobodi medija kao neslobodne zemlje nalaze se Burma, Kuba, Libija, Turkmenistan i Sjeverna Koreja.

U ovom izvještaju je obrađeno 195 zemalja svijeta. Bosna i Hercegovina se nalazi, zajedno s Makedonijom i Filipinima, na 98. mjestu, dok Srbija zauzima 84. poziciju. Hrvatska i Crna Gora dijele 80. mjest. Sve četiri države spadaju u red djelomično slobodnih u medijskom smislu, a Hrvatska je napravila određen napredak u odnosu na prošli izvještaj, kada je bila svrstana na 85. mjesto. Slovenija se kao zemlja s potpuno slobodnim medijima nalazi na 39. mjestu, koje dijeli zajedno s Australijom, Austrijom, Francuskom, Mađarskom i Japanom.

U svijetu je prošle godine ubijeno 110 novinara i medijskih radnika, a tokom nekoliko prvih meseci ove godine ubijeno je njih 34, saopštila je Svjetska asocijacije štampe povodom Svjetskog dana slobode medija, aprema podacima Komiteta za zaštitu novinara, 2006. je, zbog svog rada, na kaznu zatvora osuđeno 134 novinara.

Press Freedom Declines in Asia, Ex-Soviet Region and Latin America, Study Finds; Warns of Growing Internet Restriction

Izvještaji za Medije ● 03 Maja 2007

The study showed mixed trends in Africa, as well as a continuation of a longer-term pattern of decline in press freedom in Latin America and the former Soviet Union.

Among the most critical setbacks singled out by Freedom House this year were:

· Setbacks in Asia—notably Thailand, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, the Philippines and Fiji—stemming from coups, political upheaval, insurgency or states of emergency;

· Setbacks in Venezuela, Argentina, Brazil and other Latin American countries, in some cases due to state action, in others due to a deteriorating security environment;

· Aggressive efforts by the Russian government to further marginalize independent media voices, punctuated by plans to regulate the internet;

· Stagnation in the Middle East/North Africa region, bringing to a halt several years of modest progress.

Jennifer Windsor, Freedom House’s Executive Director, expressed serious concern at the study’s findings. “Press freedom is like the canary in the coal mine,” she said. “Assaults on the media are inevitably followed by assaults on other democratic institutions. The fact that press freedom is in retreat is a deeply troubling sign that democracy itself will come under further assault in critical parts of the world.”

The report also warned of expanded restriction of the internet. It highlighted China, Vietnam and Iran, which continue to convict and imprison large numbers of journalists and “cyberdissidents,” and indicated that this trend has spread to other countries with restrictive media environments, including Russia, where the administration of President Vladimir Putin has announced plans to establish a mechanism to regulate internet content, as well as several countries in Africa.

The report, released in advance of World Press Freedom Day on May 3, pointed to improvements in several countries. Italy’s rating was raised to Free; it had been the only European Union member state in the Partly Free category. Several countries, notably Nepal, Colombia and Haiti, registered status improvements due largely to greater overall political openness and an improved security environment, Cambodia and the Central African Republic improved due to enhanced legal protections for journalists.

The survey, launched in 1980, assesses the degree of print, broadcast, and internet freedom in every country in the world. It assigns each country a numerical score from 0 to 100 which in turn determines a category rating of Free, Partly Free or Not Free. Ratings are determined by examining three broad categories: the legal environment in which media operate, political influences on reporting and access to information, and economic pressures on content and the dissemination of news. The survey, which analyzes events during the 2006 calendar year, bases its ratings not just on government actions and policies but on the behavior of the press itself in testing boundaries, even in more restrictive environments.

Global Trends

Out of the 195 countries and territories examined, 74 (38 percent) were rated Free, while 58 (30 percent) were rated Partly Free, and 63 (32 percent) were rated Not Free.

In terms of population, 18 percent of the world’s inhabitants live in countries that enjoy a Free press, while 39 percent have a Partly Free press and 43 percent have a Not Free press.

The study also noted a longer-term trend of press freedom decline or stagnation in a number of crucial countries and regions, particularly the Americas and the former Soviet Union. In assessing country trends over the past five years, the survey found that Venezuela had suffered the largest single decline in media independence. Other important countries which registered major declines were Thailand, the Philippines, Russia, Argentina, Ethiopia and Uganda.

“The records of Venezuela and Russia are appalling, all the more so because of those countries’ impact on their regions,” said Karin Karlekar, managing editor of the press freedom survey. “But we are also disturbed by the level of press freedom decline in what we had assumed were established democracies.”

There is a complex series of reasons for the decline of global press freedom, some of which derive from broad political trends, while others are specific to the media environment:

1. Pushback against Democracy: A growing drive to neutralize or eliminate all potential sources of political opposition has materialized in a number of crucial countries, with the press as a principal target.

2. Political Upheaval: Coups and states of emergency brought on by political unrest or civil war have taken place in a growing number of formerly democratic settings, especially in Asia, with a damaging impact on press freedom.

3. Violence Targeting Journalists: The tragic murder of crusading Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya is but one of the latest examples of what has become a disturbing global trend. The killing and physical harassment of reporters is a particular problem in Latin America, where Mexico has recently replaced Colombia as the most dangerous environment, as well as in South and Southeast Asia, Russia, and Iraq.

4. Legislation Prohibiting Blasphemy, Hate Speech, Insult, and “Endangering National Security”: Governments have increasingly resorted to legal action in efforts to punish the press for critical reports on the political leadership, as well as for “inciting hatred,” commenting on sensitive topics such as religion or ethnicity, or “endangering national security.”

Regional Trends

Americas: In the Americas, 17 countries (48 percent) were rated Free, 16 (46 percent) were rated Partly Free, and 2 (6 percent) were rated Not Free in 2006. Countries of particular concern continue to be Cuba, which has one of the most repressive media environments worldwide, and Venezuela, where the government has further intensified its efforts to control the press.

The region did have some noteworthy positive developments in 2006, as both Haiti and Colombia moved into the Partly Free category. However, these moves were overshadowed by negative trends in a number of countries, including Argentina, Peru, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay and the Dominican Republic. In Mexico, improvements in the legal sphere were outweighed by an appalling level of violence against journalists. Although the United States continues to be one of the better performers in the survey, there were continuing problems in the legal sphere, particularly concerning cases in which legal authorities tried to compel journalists to reveal confidential sources or provide access to research material in the course of criminal investigations.

Asia-Pacific: The Asia-Pacific region as a whole exhibited a relatively high level of freedom, with 16 countries (40 percent) rated Free, 10 (25 percent) rated Partly Free, and 14 (35 percent) rated Not Free. Nevertheless, Asia is home to two of the five worst-rated countries in the world, Burma and North Korea, which have extremely repressive media environments, as well as several other poor performers such as China, Laos and Vietnam, all of which use state or party control of the press as the primary tool to restrict media freedom.

Several bright spots worth noting include Nepal, where wide-ranging political change led to a dramatic opening in the media environment, and Cambodia and Indonesia, which also featured positive movement. Asia saw many negative developments in 2006, however, continuing the downward regional trajectory noted in last year’s survey. Coups and military intervention led to the suspension of legal protections for press freedom and new curbs imposed on media coverage in Fiji and Thailand. Intensified political and civil conflict during the year contributed to declines in Sri Lanka, East Timor and the Philippines. Heightened restrictions on coverage, as well as harassment of media outlets that overstepped official and unofficial boundaries, negatively impacted press freedom in Malaysia, China and Pakistan.

Central and Eastern Europe/Former Soviet Union: For the combined CEE/FSU region, 8 countries (28 percent)—out of a new total of 28 countries, after Montenegro’s independence—remain classified as Free, 10 (36 percent) are rated as Partly Free, and 10 (36 percent) as Not Free. While many countries in Central and Eastern Europe rank firmly in the Free category, the repressive media landscape in the former Soviet Union is illuminated by the fact that 10 of the 12 non-Baltic post-Soviet states are ranked Not Free.

Most trends in the region were negative. Kyrgyzstan saw backsliding in 2006 due to an increase in censorship and attacks against journalists. Russia’s worsening score reflected negative developments in the legal sphere coupled with heightened impunity, epitomized by the lack of prosecutions of increasingly frequent crimes and attacks against journalists.

Middle East and North Africa: The Middle East and North Africa region continued to show the lowest regionwide ratings, with just one country (5 percent) rated Free, two (11 percent) rated Partly Free, and 16 (84 percent) rated Not Free in 2006. Of particular and long-standing concern are Libya, Syria, Tunisia and the Israeli-Occupied Territories/Palestinian Authority, where media freedom remained extremely restricted. The deteriorating security situation in Iraq made it highly dangerous for the media, with several dozen journalists and media workers, mostly Iraqis, killed during the year.

In 2006, improvements noted in the survey over the last several years reversed course, with several countries that had previously shown numerical improvement stagnating or moving in a negative trajectory. Conditions in Saudi Arabia and Iran deteriorated, while media in Egypt, Jordan and Algeria hampered constrained by legal restrictions. The use of legal harassment against independent journalists increased in Morocco, with a highly influential editor forced to leave the country due to the threat of crippling fines in a defamation case.

Sub-Saharan Africa: Overall, 8 countries (17 percent) were rated Free, 19 (39 percent) were rated Partly Free, and 21 (44 percent) remain rated Not Free. In 2006, Cape Verde was upgraded to Free as a result of a decrease in the legal harassment of and attacks on journalists. Changes in the legal sphere contributed to the Central African Republic’s upgrade to Partly Free, and to numerical improvements in Angola, Sierra Leone, and Mozambique.

Meanwhile, conditions in one of the world’s worst performers, Eritrea, deteriorated further to a numerical score of 94 as a result of tightened restrictions for foreign reporters traveling inside the country. Several countries which have registered a significant longer-term negative trend—The Gambia, Ethiopia, and Uganda—continued to move in the wrong direction in 2006.

Western Europe: Western Europe continued to boast the highest level of press freedom worldwide; in 2006, 24 countries (96 percent) were rated Free and one (4 percent) was rated Partly Free. However, increasing threats from far-right and Islamist groups during the year resulted in modest declines for a number of top-performing countries, particularly those in Scandinavia and northern Europe. A dramatic rise in legal harassment was noted in Turkey, where almost 300 journalists and writers were prosecuted for “insulting Turkishness.” However, in a major positive move, Italy was upgraded in 2006 to resume its Free status primarily as a result of media magnate Silvio Berlusconi’s exit as prime minister.

Worst of the Worst

The five worst-rated countries continue to be Burma, Cuba, Libya, North Korea, and Turkmenistan. In these states, which are scattered across the globe, independent media are either nonexistent or barely able to operate, the press acts as a mouthpiece for the ruling regime, and citizens’ access to unbiased information is severely limited. The numerical scores for these five countries have barely changed in relation to the previous year, reflecting a level of extreme repression and stagnation for the media. Rounding out the bottom 10 most repressive media environments are two countries in the former Soviet Union—Belarus and Uzbekistan—and three countries in Africa—Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, and Zimbabwe—where media are heavily restricted.

Freedom House is an independent nongovernmental organization that supports the expansion of freedom in the world.

Prezentacija studije „Studija sistema nacionalnog integriteta Bosna i Hercegovina 2007“

Izvještaji za Medije ● 02 Maja 2007

Sistem nacionalnog integriteta obuhvata ključne institucije, sektore ili aktivnosti (‘stubove’) koji doprinose integritetu, transparentnosti i odgovornosti u društvu. Svrha studije je da izvrši kvalitativnu procjenu Sistema nacionalnog integriteta u teoriji (zakonski okvir) i praksi (institucionalni kapacitet). U istraživanju je učestvovao veći broj domaćih eksperata, a realizovano je uz finansijsku podršku Fonda Otvoreno društvo i Njemačke Vlade.

Prezentacija nalaza i rezultata istraživanja biće održana 13. februara 2007. g. u Hotelu Holiday Inn sa početkom u 10:30 h. U okviru prezentacije biće predstavljene i naredne aktivnosti vezane za Sistem nacionalnog integriteta, sa ciljem da se kroz promociju nalaza i rezultata Studije, a uz saradnju sa državnim institucijama identifikuju i definišu mjere i aktivnosti za povećanje i osnaživanje kapaciteta institucija za suzbijanje korupcije.

Kao izlagači na prezentaciji će učestvovati NJ.E Michael Georg Schmunk, ambasador Njemačke u BiH i gospodin Dirk Reinermann, direktor Svjetske banke u BiH, koji će govoriti o anti-korupcionim izazovima koji se nalaze pred BiH u narednom periodu.

Dokumenti

Studija sistema nacionalnog integriteta 2007

Berlin, 24 Apr 2007 – Africa Progress Panel inaugurated in Berlin – TI hopes panel will succeed in holding the global community accountable for promises to end poverty

Izvještaji za Medije ● 24 Aprila 2007

Transparency International has high hopes that the Africa Progress Panel (APP), being launched in Berlin today, will succeed in demanding accountability on promises made on supporting development and fighting poverty in Africa.

“The panel has its work cut out for it,” said Huguette Labelle, Chair of Transparency International. “Even after decades of initiatives and ideas on how to lift the world’s most desperate citizens out of suffering and deprivation, Africa faces staggering human challenges, which cannot afford to be complicated by corruption and weak institutions. We recognise that progress has been made, but the Africa Progress Panel can go a long way to ensuring that promises, such as those made at the G8 Summit at Gleneagles in 2005, are kept.”

The APP’s mission is to monitor commitments made by bodies such as the G8 and the European Union on aid and Africa, with an eye to the imperatives set by the Millennium Development Goals. The panel is chaired by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan and funded by Microsoft Chairman Bill Gates. Its members include Peter Eigen, Bob Geldof, Graça Machel, Michel Camdessus, Robert Rubin and Muhammad Yunus.

As founder of Transparency International and chair of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, Eigen brings unparalleled perspectives and expertise on governance issues to the panel. “We are coming together to bring our collective experience to bear and to support the Group of Eight and Africa in their common, long-term efforts to end poverty and corruption on a continent blessed with so many resources,” Eigen stated.

The panel will make its first public statement today focussing, among other things, on good governance, trade, health and education, in relation to Africa. The panel will also meet with leaders Tony Blair and Angela Merkel in the evening to discuss its future work.

Berlin, 24. apr 2007.- TI očekuje da će se panel diskusija uspjeti zauzeti za globalno nastojanja ka suzbijanju siromaštva

Izvještaji za Medije ● 24 Aprila 2007

Transparency International (TI) je izrazio velika očekivanja da će Panel diskusija o napretku Afrike (APP), pokrenuta u Berlinu, uspješno ukazati na potrebu veće odgovornosti za data obećanja o razvoju i borbi protiv siromaštva u Africi.

“Diskusija je ispunila svrhu”, izjavila je Huguette Labelle, Predsjedavajuća Odbora direktora Transparency International-a. “Nakon desetljeća inicijative i ideja kako pomoći najočajnijim građanima na svijetu, koji pate od gubitaka, Afrika se suočava sa velikim izazovima za čovječanstvo koji ne smiju dozvoliti sebi da budu dio začaranog kruga korupcije i nemoćnih institucija. Prepoznaje se napredak koji je napravljen, ali APP treba da prati i osigura data obećanja, kao što je i rečeno na samitu G8 u Gleneagles-u 2005. godine.”

Misija APP-a je zadužena za praćenje obaveza članica grupe G8 i Evropske Unije za pomoć Africi, imajući u vidu i zadatke koje uključuju milenijumski razvojni cilj (da se do 2015. prepolovi broj siromašnih). Diskusiju je predvodio Kofi Anan, bivši Sekretar UN, uz finansijsku pomoć Bill Gatesa, Predsjednika Microsofta. Ostali članovi, uključujući Peter Eigena, Bob Geldofa, Graça Machel, Michael Camdessusa, Robert Rubina I Muhammad Yunusa.

Kao osnivač Transparency International-a i Predsjednik Transparency Inicijative za ekstraktivnu industriju, Eigen donosi neuporedive perspective i stručna mišljenja o pitanjima Vlada na panel diskusiju. «Mi smo se sastali da bi podijelili stečena iskustva sa G 8 i Afrikom, u njihovoj dugoročnoj akciji i zajedničkom naporu ka okončanju siromaštva i korupcije, na «crnom» kontinentu koji je blagoslovljen svojim velikim bogatstvom resursima,» kazao je Eigen.

Panel diskusija će donijeti zaključke prve javne rasprave, koji će se, izmedju ostalog, odnositi na dobru upravu, trgovinu, zdravlje i obrazovanje u Afriki. Panel diskusiju će posjetiti premijeri Velike Britanije i Njemačke, Tony Blair i Angela Merkel, u diskusiji o planovima za dalji rad.